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10 Things You Need to Know About Women, Peace and Security

This year marks 25 years since the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1325, the foundation of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. As we reflect on a quarter-century of progress and challenges, WILPF explores what the WPS agenda really means, why it matters, and how feminist movements continue to push for transformative peace rooted in justice, equality, and demilitarisation.

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  • 6 min
WILPF International Secretariat
9 October 2025

As of October 2025, it has been 25 years since the UN Security Council (UNSC) adopted resolution 1325, which was its first of ten resolutions on the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda. Here are ten things you should know about what the WPS agenda is, and how WILPF is assessing the agenda more than two decades since its adoption. 

1. The WPS Agenda is a feminist agenda relating to women’s rights and peace.

It recognises that armed conflicts have specific gendered impacts on women and girls which must be prevented and addressed. It also states that women have the right to meaningfully participate in decision-making relating to peace and security. To truly make change, WILPF has always advocated that WPS must be seen as a transformative feminist peace agenda aimed at dismantling militarism, occupation, and patriarchal power structures – not simply integrating women into existing militarised systems. 

2. There are ten resolutions on WPS that have been adopted by the UN Security Council.

These are resolutions 1325 (2000), 1820 (2008), 1888 (2009), 1889 (2009), 1960 (2010), 2106 (2013), 2122 (2013), 2242 (2015), 2467 (2019), and 2493 (2019). These resolutions contain concrete obligations for states and the UN system. Every year, the Secretary-General writes reports on WPS and on conflict-related sexual violence, tracking progress on these resolutions. WPS language has also been incorporated into UN mandates and peacekeeping missions. However, gaps still exist between commitments, language, and practice, due to systemic political undermining of the agenda, and there is a need for accountability mechanisms beyond resolution adoption.  

3. The WPS Agenda has four main thematic areas.

These are prevention of conflict and violence; protection of women and girls and of their human rights; the full, equal, and meaningful participation of women in peace and security; and gender-responsive relief and recovery. These pillars should be seen as interdependent, not as siloes. For example, militarised framings of “protection” or narratives that position women only as victims undermine both prevention and meaningful participation. “Prevention” should be understood in a holistic way, for example by looking at socioeconomic justice and root causes of conflict. “Participation” cannot be meaningful if women human rights defenders are facing threats, criminalisation, and reprisals. Justice, demilitarisation, and feminist political economy should be central to implementation. 

4. The vision for the WPS agenda came from feminist peace and anti-war activists.

WILPF was one of the feminist organisations that worked with countries such as Namibia and others in civil society to get Resolution 1325 adopted by the Security Council in 2000.  Since then, civil society has been at the forefront of pushing for the agenda to be implemented at the international, regional, national, and local levels. The vision of feminist peace activists is a world without war and violence. However, many governments have largely focused on integrating women into militaristic and ‘national securitised’ structures and have sidelined the peace aspects of the agenda in their implementation. Re-centering the movements led by women and conflict-affected communities is vital for the agenda’s success. 

5. Linking the WPS agenda to other obligations and frameworks — such as CEDAW, the 2030 Agenda, and the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action — can strengthen accountability for implementation.

The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) is a legally binding international instrument. CEDAW General Recommendation (GR) no. 30 articulated the ways in which this key convention on women’s rights also relates to conflicts and political crises. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) include Goal 5 on gender equality and Goal 16 on peace. The Beijing Platform’s Critical Area E on women and armed conflict outlined how war, conflict, and military spending are feminist issues. CEDAW GR no. 40 articulated further the topic of equal and inclusive representation of women in decision-making systems. 

6. Over 100 countries have adopted plans to implement WPS in their national policies and programmes.

National Action Plans on WPS are one way in which governments outline actions, activities, and policy changes to implement the WPS agenda. There are also Regional Action Plans (RAPs) that have been developed by regional institutions like the European Union. Although NAPs are an important tool, many of them have suffered from implementation issues, such as lack of coordination across ministries, insufficient monitoring and budgets, and incoherence between WPS principles and other government policy priorities. Additionally, civil society has critiqued the focus of some NAPs, or how some NAPs pick and choose some issues in WPS over others. For example, some NAPs are used to legitimise militaristic foreign or migration policies or focus only on external issues.  

7. The WPS agenda offers an opportunity to address the root causes and impacts of armed conflict and change the way peace is built.

WPS should ultimately contribute towards ending wars and the structures that fuel them – such as imperialism, occupation, authoritarianism, the arms trade, and capitalism. Ways to implement the WPS agenda can include incorporating gender provisions in peace agreements; having women lead the way in peace processes as mediators and negotiators; holding perpetrators accountable for gendered violations such as sexual violence or reproductive violence; reshaping peace processes to center feminist demands and those most impacted; and supporting women to lead their own processes of dialogue and mediation. 

8. Militarism and securitisation are the main barriers to world peace and also have a negative impact on WPS implementation.

Military spending – which reached $2.7 trillion USD in 2024 — far outpaces spending on peace. Militarism legitimises the use of violence, which ultimately directly harms women. The flow of weapons both inside and outside of conflict zones impact women’s safety and security – for example, more weapons often mean higher rates of gender-based violence. Militaries, police, and other armed actors surveil and repress women peacebuilders and human rights defenders.  

9. Over the past 25 years, there have been successes but also failures of the WPS agenda.

In Colombia, the 2016 peace agreement between the Government of Colombia and the FARC-EP incorporated historic gender provisions and also had a participatory process across Colombian society. In Liberia, women’s movements brought an end to conflict through their visionary activism. On the other hand, in Afghanistan, the international community has not prevented the Taliban from putting in place a system of gender apartheid. In Palestine, Palestinian women’s participation is undermined by the denial of self-determination, and by ongoing settler colonialism and genocide. Participation of women in peace is still not the norm: According to the Secretary-General, in 2023, women were less than 10 percent of negotiators, 13.7 percent of mediators, and 26.6 percent of signatories to peace agreements. However, movements lead real change: feminist organising in Colombia, Liberia, Palestine, Afghanistan proves that feminist activists believe in the potential of WPS when it is rooted in justice. 

10. The WPS agenda is an obligation, not just a suggestion.

The agenda is linked to many legally binding human rights obligations and is grounded in international law. Member states, the UN, and all conflict parties have the responsibility to bring women, and all of society, to the table when discussing peace. From the perspective of WILPF and other anti-militarist feminists, there can be no lasting peace without justice, addressing root causes of violence, and challenging patriarchal, militarised, and capitalist power. The WPS agenda must be funded, politically supported, and empowered to transform peacebuilding. 

Join WILPF during this year’s 25th anniversary of UNSCR 1325 in resisting militarism and advancing feminist visions for peace. Learn more about our work on WPS at: https://www.wilpf.org/women-peace-and-security/. 

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WILPF International Secretariat

WILPF International Secretariat, with offices in Geneva and New York, liaises with the International Board and the National Sections and Groups for the implementation of WILPF International Programme, resolutions and policies as adopted by the International Congress. Under the direction of the Secretary-General, the Secretariat also provides support in areas of advocacy, communications, and financial operations.

Matt Mahmoudi

Matt Mahmoudi (he/him) is a lecturer, researcher, and organizer. He’s been leading the “Ban the Scan” campaign, Amnesty International’s research and advocacy efforts on banning facial recognition technologies and exposing their uses against racialized communities, from New York City to the occupied Palestinian territories.

Berit Aasen

Europe Alternate Regional Representative

Berit Aasen is a sociologist by training and has worked at the OsloMet Metropolitan University on Oslo. She has 40 years of experience in research and consultancy in development studies, including women, peace, and security, and in later years in asylum and refugee studies. Berit Aasen joined WILPF Norway five years ago. She is an alternate member of the National Board of WILPF Norway, and representing WILPF Norway in the UN Association of Norway, the Norwegian 1325 network and the Norwegian Women’s Lobby. Berit Aasen has been active in the WILPF European Liaison group and is committed to strengthening WILPF sections and membership both in Europe and relations across continents.

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Melissa Torres

VICE-PRESIDENT

Prior to being elected Vice-President, Melissa Torres was the WILPF US International Board Member from 2015 to 2018. Melissa joined WILPF in 2011 when she was selected as a Delegate to the Commission on the Status of Women as part of the WILPF US’ Practicum in Advocacy Programme at the United Nations, which she later led. She holds a PhD in Social Work and is a professor and Global Health Scholar at Baylor College of Medicine and research lead at BCM Anti-Human Trafficking Program. Of Mexican descent and a native of the US/Mexico border, Melissa is mostly concerned with the protection of displaced Latinxs in the Americas. Her work includes training, research, and service provision with the American Red Cross, the National Human Trafficking Training and Technical Assistance Centre, and refugee resettlement programs in the U.S. Some of her goals as Vice-President are to highlight intersectionality and increase diversity by fostering inclusive spaces for mentorship and leadership. She also contributes to WILPF’s emerging work on the topic of displacement and migration.

Jamila Afghani

VICE-PRESIDENT

Jamila Afghani is the President of WILPF Afghanistan which she started in 2015. She is also an active member and founder of several organisations including the Noor Educational and Capacity Development Organisation (NECDO). Elected in 2018 as South Asia Regional Representative to WILPF’s International Board, WILPF benefits from Jamila’s work experience in education, migration, gender, including gender-based violence and democratic governance in post-conflict and transitional countries.

A woman in a blue, black, and white dress smiles radiantly in front of a leafy green background.

Sylvie Jacqueline Ndongmo

PRESIDENT

Sylvie Jacqueline NDONGMO is a human rights and peace leader with over 27 years experience including ten within WILPF. She has a multi-disciplinary background with a track record of multiple socio-economic development projects implemented to improve policies, practices and peace-oriented actions. Sylvie is the founder of WILPF Cameroon and was the Section’s president until 2022. She co-coordinated the African Working Group before her election as Africa Representative to WILPF’s International Board in 2018. A teacher by profession and an African Union Trainer in peace support operations, Sylvie has extensive experience advocating for the political and social rights of women in Africa and worldwide.

WILPF Afghanistan

In response to the takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban and its targeted attacks on civil society members, WILPF Afghanistan issued several statements calling on the international community to stand in solidarity with Afghan people and ensure that their rights be upheld, including access to aid. The Section also published 100 Untold Stories of War and Peace, a compilation of true stories that highlight the effects of war and militarisation on the region. 

IPB Congress Barcelona

WILPF Germany (+Young WILPF network), WILPF Spain and MENA Regional Representative

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Demilitarisation

WILPF uses feminist analysis to argue that militarisation is a counter-productive and ill-conceived response to establishing security in the world. The more society becomes militarised, the more violence and injustice are likely to grow locally and worldwide.

Sixteen states are believed to have supplied weapons to Afghanistan from 2001 to 2020 with the US supplying 74 % of weapons, followed by Russia. Much of this equipment was left behind by the US military and is being used to inflate Taliban’s arsenal. WILPF is calling for better oversight on arms movement, for compensating affected Afghan people and for an end to all militarised systems.

Militarised masculinity

Mobilising men and boys around feminist peace has been one way of deconstructing and redefining masculinities. WILPF shares a feminist analysis on the links between militarism, masculinities, peace and security. We explore opportunities for strengthening activists’ action to build equal partnerships among women and men for gender equality.

WILPF has been working on challenging the prevailing notion of masculinity based on men’s physical and social superiority to, and dominance of, women in Afghanistan. It recognizes that these notions are not representative of all Afghan men, contrary to the publicly prevailing notion.

Feminist peace​

In WILPF’s view, any process towards establishing peace that has not been partly designed by women remains deficient. Beyond bringing perspectives that encapsulate the views of half of the society and unlike the men only designed processes, women’s true and meaningful participation allows the situation to improve.

In Afghanistan, WILPF has been demanding that women occupy the front seats at the negotiating tables. The experience of the past 20 has shown that women’s presence produces more sustainable solutions when they are empowered and enabled to play a role.