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International

The Lack of Regulation of Firearms Possession and Its Impact on Women’s Human Rights

Human Rights
Date/month:
21 June 2015
Document type:
Briefing papers
Body submitted to:
Public

Briefing paper

 

The differentiated impact of firearms on women is rarely taken into account when addressing the issue firearms. Yet, we know that firearms possession and use are clearly gendered: guns are mostly owned by men[1], and women killed by guns are likely to be killed in a gender-based violence homicide.

 

Impact of wide availability of guns on Right to Life of women

Homicide rates in general are strongly associated with the level of firearms availability. When it comes to firearm femicides this correlation is also present. If we take the example of the frequency of intimate partner homicide-suicide[2], we see that the rates in countries with wide availability of firearms, such as Switzerland or USA are higher than in the Netherlands where the possession of firearms is very restricted.

As a report by IRIN points out: “… the diffusion of small arms into communities, engenders a rise in intimate-partner violence. Even in non-conflict settings, women are more likely to be attacked by a partner if a gun is available; in 2003 ‘The American Journal of Public Health’ found that access to a gun increased the likelihood of a woman being killed by her husband fivefold”[3].

Studies show that there is a direct correlation between femicides rates and the use of firearms. Firearms were used in a third of all femicides worldwide, reaching 60% in some Latin American countries such as Brazil, Colombia, El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras. In Ciudad Juárez, firearms were used in more than 80% of femicides[4].

However, the proportion of intimate partner violence related to lethal violence is fairly low in countries with high femicide rates. Yet, for example, in Cyprus, France and Portugal (all with low or very low femicide rates) killings of women by former and current partners account for more than 80 percent of all cases.[5]

Furthermore, firearms may also be involved in femicides as a way of intimidating or coercing the victim. Such cases are, unfortunately, severely under reported.

 

The impact on other rights: non-lethal injuries and threats

In a study carried out in a region of Pakistan characterised by a high level of possession of firearms, it was found that women felt they were in danger not only because of gun violence, but also because of physical abuse. This was linked to the presence of a gun as much as to patriarchy and gender stereotypes imposed on them[6].

In a study in the USA it was found that guns are used to threaten women within the family more frequently than they are used to kill. Indeed, in retrospective studies of intimate partner homicides there is generally a history of violence that did not however prevent the perpetrator from possessing a gun.[7]

The correlation between high rates of sexual violence and the flow of firearms has been demonstrated in countless examples. The UN Secretary General pointed out at this correlation in his report on small arms in 2013[8].

With men almost always the bearers of guns, power imbalances between men and women are further distorted. As described above, the threat that firearms represent to women both within the household and on the streets, to their lives, to their physical integrity and to their freedom is closely linked to the imposition of patriarchy.

 

Firearms and negative conceptions of masculinities

The symbolism of gun use and virility cannot be denied. The advertisement illustrating this note is but one example. This symbolism is even more effective in contexts where gender inequality and violence against women is commonly accepted.

Thus, while firearms themselves may not always be directly implicated in violence against women, they are correlated with an increase in gendered inequality and a generalised culture of violence against women. This is supported by specific studies in India, which have found that patriarchy, gendered inequality (and segregation) and the socialisation of men and boys around displaying heterosexual prowess and exerting control over women are key determinants of violence. [9] Similarly, in Nepal, gun ownership is tied to power and social status, and as such the prerogative of powerful men. Women are generally perceived as opposing the use of firearms.[10]

 

Lessons learned

Current levels of regulation or the implementation of regulation regarding firearms are not thorough enough.

When it comes to civilian ownership of guns, measuring perceptions of firearms i.e. among Liberian women and men, show that both groups overwhelmingly referred to as guns as a threat to safety rather than a source of security.[11]

Work-related access to guns is not exempt from risks either. In South Africa, 10% of femicides in 1999 were perpetrated by men who had access to guns within their profession. The risk is even higher when it comes to victims of post-traumatic stress.

It is thus essential to strictly regulate the possession of guns and to implement those regulations closely. Both these processes must take in to account the gendered aspects of gun possession. Small arms survey 2013[12] found that “comprehensive reform of firearms legislation is associated with reduction of overall and intimate partner homicides.”

Therefore, interventions that address violence against women and girls are more likely to be effective when they are part of a multifaceted approach, including legal reform and accountability for perpetrators.

In Canada, a universal licensing and registration system for all types of firearms, established in 1995, was responsible for a reduction in intimate partner homicides involving firearms. This law also introduced mandatory gun prohibition orders and revocations in domestic violence cases.

Separating perpetrators or suspects from guns has also proven to be effective. However, application of these measures may vary if the decision is left to the judgment of judicial authorities and police. Long-term multidisciplinary projects with US Air Force personnel, as part of a risk population owing a gun, has also been found to be a successful best practice.

 

Recommendations in View of the Upcoming HRC Resolution:

  • Request a report to:
    • Investigate the impact of firearms on gender-based violence including domestic violence and feminicide
    • Identify the best-practices and lessons learnt in regulations and practices to reduce gender-based violence, domestic violence and femicide through the use of firearms
  • Regulate the possession and use of firearms by civilians and security forces, including utilising a vetting system to avoid perpetrators of gender-based violence from obtaining arms permits, as well as orders of removal or confiscation of firearms by police authorities when suspicion of gender-based violence.
  • Implement special multidisciplinary programmes to raise awareness of GBV and monitor firearms owners, in particular collectives that own guns professionally.
  • Regulate and control the circulation of small arms, both domestic and international, including by enforcing the Arms Trade Treaty, UN Programme of Action on Small Arms and Light Weapons, and related UN Security Council resolutions.
  • The creation of monitoring mechanisms of arms advertising to eliminate all attempts to use misogyny or patriarchal conceptions as a means of merchandising weapons.
  • Education and awareness-raising among schools and communities about the dangers of firearms in domestic violence and acts of gender-based violence, including sexual violence.

 

Agreed text:

  • 57th CSW, 2013 PP 25 The Commission recognizes that the illicit use of and illicit trade in small arms and light weapons aggravates violence, inter alia, against women and girls.
  • HRC RES 26/16 PP7 Alarmed that hundreds of thousands of human beings of all ages around the world, including women and children, have their human rights, in particular their right to life and security of person, negatively affected by the misuse, intentional or unintentional, of firearms, and that a significant number of such killings of women have occurred as a result of inter-partner violence,
  • UNSC RES 2117 (2013) PP 10 Recalling with grave concern that the illicit transfer, destabilizing accumulation and misuse of small arms and light weapons fuel armed conflicts and have a wide range of negative human rights, humanitarian, development and socioeconomic consequences, in particular on the security of civilians in armed conflict, including the disproportionate impact on violence perpetrated against women and girls, and exacerbating sexual and gender-based violence and the recruitment and use of children by parties to armed conflict in violation of applicable international law,
  • GA RES A/RES/69/61 (2014) OP 4 Encourages Member States to better understand the impact of armed violence, in particular the impact of the illicit trafficking in small arms and light weapons on women and girls, through, inter alia, strengthening the collection of data disaggregated by sex and age;
  • HRC RES 26/16 OP 2 Calls upon all States to take appropriate legislative, administrative and other measures, consistent with international human rights law and their constitutional frameworks, in order to ensure that civilian acquisition, possession and use of firearms are effectively regulated with the aim of enhancing the protection of the human rights, in particular the right to life and security of person, of all;

 

Contact us: María Muñoz Maraver – Human Rights Programme Director – mmunoz@wilpf.ch

Mia Gandenberger – Reaching Critical Will Programme Manager – mia@reachingcriticalwill.org

[1] Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies. 2013. Chapter 2: Too close to home – Everyday dangers, small arms survey 2013. Cambridge University Press: page 30

[2] Intimate partner homocide-suicide is:

[3] IRIN, Guns Out of Control: The continuing threat of small arms, IRIN in Depth, 2006 http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/in-depth/small-arms-irin-in-depth.pdf

[4] Matthias Nowak, Femicide: A Global Problem Research Notes Armed Violence Number 14. Small Arms Survey, 2012. http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-14.pdf

[5] Ibid.

[6] Awaz Foundation Pakistan, Survey Report Disarming Domestic Violence Campaign 2009. Supported by IANSA. http://awazcds.org.pk/Downloads/rstudies/Survey%20Report%20-Disarming%20Domestic%20Violence%20Campaign%202009.pdf

[7] Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies. 2013. Chapter 2: Too close to home – Everyday dangers, small arms survey 2013. Cambridge University Press

[8] Small arms Report of the UN Secretary-General, 22 August 2013 S/2013/503

[9] Sharna De Lacy, More arms than Mahishasura, WILPF and CAFI, 2014

[10] Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies. 2014. Chapter 1: In War and Peace – Violence against women and girls, small arms survey 2014 – women and guns. Cambridge University Press.

[11] ibid

[12] Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies. 2013. Chapter 2: Too close to home – Everyday dangers, small arms survey 2013. Cambridge University Press

Review document in english

Melissa Torres

VICE-PRESIDENT

Prior to being elected Vice-President, Melissa Torres was the WILPF US International Board Member from 2015 to 2018. Melissa joined WILPF in 2011 when she was selected as a Delegate to the Commission on the Status of Women as part of the WILPF US’ Practicum in Advocacy Programme at the United Nations, which she later led. She holds a PhD in Social Work and is a professor and Global Health Scholar at Baylor College of Medicine and research lead at BCM Anti-Human Trafficking Program. Of Mexican descent and a native of the US/Mexico border, Melissa is mostly concerned with the protection of displaced Latinxs in the Americas. Her work includes training, research, and service provision with the American Red Cross, the National Human Trafficking Training and Technical Assistance Centre, and refugee resettlement programs in the U.S. Some of her goals as Vice-President are to highlight intersectionality and increase diversity by fostering inclusive spaces for mentorship and leadership. She also contributes to WILPF’s emerging work on the topic of displacement and migration.

Jamila Afghani

VICE-PRESIDENT

Jamila Afghani is the President of WILPF Afghanistan which she started in 2015. She is also an active member and founder of several organisations including the Noor Educational and Capacity Development Organisation (NECDO). Elected in 2018 as South Asia Regional Representative to WILPF’s International Board, WILPF benefits from Jamila’s work experience in education, migration, gender, including gender-based violence and democratic governance in post-conflict and transitional countries.

Sylvie Jacqueline Ndongmo

PRESIDENT

Sylvie Jacqueline NDONGMO is a human rights and peace leader with over 27 years experience including ten within WILPF. She has a multi-disciplinary background with a track record of multiple socio-economic development projects implemented to improve policies, practices and peace-oriented actions. Sylvie is the founder of WILPF Cameroon and was the Section’s president until 2022. She co-coordinated the African Working Group before her election as Africa Representative to WILPF’s International Board in 2018. A teacher by profession and an African Union Trainer in peace support operations, Sylvie has extensive experience advocating for the political and social rights of women in Africa and worldwide.

WILPF Afghanistan

In response to the takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban and its targeted attacks on civil society members, WILPF Afghanistan issued several statements calling on the international community to stand in solidarity with Afghan people and ensure that their rights be upheld, including access to aid. The Section also published 100 Untold Stories of War and Peace, a compilation of true stories that highlight the effects of war and militarisation on the region. 

IPB Congress Barcelona

WILPF Germany (+Young WILPF network), WILPF Spain and MENA Regional Representative

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Demilitarisation

WILPF uses feminist analysis to argue that militarisation is a counter-productive and ill-conceived response to establishing security in the world. The more society becomes militarised, the more violence and injustice are likely to grow locally and worldwide.

Sixteen states are believed to have supplied weapons to Afghanistan from 2001 to 2020 with the US supplying 74 % of weapons, followed by Russia. Much of this equipment was left behind by the US military and is being used to inflate Taliban’s arsenal. WILPF is calling for better oversight on arms movement, for compensating affected Afghan people and for an end to all militarised systems.

Militarised masculinity

Mobilising men and boys around feminist peace has been one way of deconstructing and redefining masculinities. WILPF shares a feminist analysis on the links between militarism, masculinities, peace and security. We explore opportunities for strengthening activists’ action to build equal partnerships among women and men for gender equality.

WILPF has been working on challenging the prevailing notion of masculinity based on men’s physical and social superiority to, and dominance of, women in Afghanistan. It recognizes that these notions are not representative of all Afghan men, contrary to the publicly prevailing notion.

Feminist peace​

In WILPF’s view, any process towards establishing peace that has not been partly designed by women remains deficient. Beyond bringing perspectives that encapsulate the views of half of the society and unlike the men only designed processes, women’s true and meaningful participation allows the situation to improve.

In Afghanistan, WILPF has been demanding that women occupy the front seats at the negotiating tables. The experience of the past 20 has shown that women’s presence produces more sustainable solutions when they are empowered and enabled to play a role.

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