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Analysis
#COVID

COVID-19: Militarise or Organise?

In the last week as cities around the world have entered into lockdown, and as fear of the many uncertainties associated with our latest global crisis mount, some people have turned to what they have been told by their leaders always brings security and solutions to crisis and fear: guns.

Image credit: WILPF
Ray Acheson
23 March 2020

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In the last week as cities around the world have entered into lockdown, and as fear of the many uncertainties associated with our latest global crisis mount, some people have turned to what they have been told by their leaders always brings security and solutions to crisis and fear: guns.

Looking for safety through violence

In the United States and Canada, people are buying guns and ammunition in record numbers. Some governments are exacerbating this by increasingly using militarised language in a poor attempt to try to calm people, choosing the wrong analogy for what we collectively need to do in these perilous times. “Waging a war against an invisible enemy;” “we will defeat;” and “patriotic duty” are some of the phrases we have heard used by governments around the world.

But militarism is one of the things that got us into the situation. Not to the virus itself, but to the unconscionable amount of money that is spent on weapons globally—money which is now not available for things we actually need.

Misspent resources

Collectively, governments around the world are investing nearly two trillion dollars a year on militarism at the expense of public health infrastructure and research and every other aspect of social well-being.

In 2018, US military spending reached $649 billion—more than the next top eight spenders combined. And that figure does not include nuclear weapons. The cost of maintaining and expanding nuclear forces in the nine nuclear-armed states is budgeted to run into billions—and in the US case, one trillion—dollars over the coming decades. Even those countries that do not have a nuclear arsenal or those that do have decent social systems and health care, such as some of those in Europe and Canada, have spent increasing amounts of money militarising their borders and manufacturing weapons for export.

Equipped to fight wars, not pandemics

We are a world equipped to fight wars, not pandemics. The militarised systems designed to keep people from crossing borders cannot keep a virus from doing so. The nuclear bombs that we are told are meant to “deter” adversaries will have no effect on deterring diseases.

But having invested so much for so long, financially and intellectually, in militarised security, we now face the situation where militarism becomes the answer to every perceived or actual threat. In Serbia, for example, the government has enforced curfew hours and deployed its fully equipped army to the streets to maintain order, although there is nothing that indicates that regular police forces could not do the job. The army is further tasked with “protecting” the hospitals and medical staff. But the reality is that the medical staff don’t need guns to protect them, but adequate equipment, staff, and infrastructure.

Escalating militarism

Furthermore, the turn to militarism in situations like this escalates what levels of militarism we are willing to accept in our lives. It impacts what becomes the new normal. In the US, for example, before 9/11 there were not soldiers with machine guns in airports and train stations; now that is part of the every landscape: automatic weapons as you commute to work.

It also exacerbates racism, xenophobia, and an outsider-insider mentality. The vast economic investments in militarism have always relied on tensions between communities and groups. In a time of crisis, these are easy tropes to fall back on and reinvest in, or create anew. Doing violence to others to protect one’s self or one’s group is portrayed as a natural, even noble response. But in reality, it is just allowing the worst of the human spirit to prevail at the expense of what could be collective good.

Inequality kills; solidarity builds

Instead of militarism, we need redirection of funds to social and environmental well-being. But we also need a radical reimagining of our security infrastructure and ideas. We are all in this together (separately). We cannot overcome this crisis—or any of the future crises waiting for us in our highly interconnected, interdependent world. We cannot wall ourselves from others. We cannot kill those who we think threaten what is “ours”.

This is also the time to recognise that inequality kills and that solidarity, as a proactive, political act, is what will help us overcome this crisis and those that await in the future. We share a common fate—if nothing else, this pandemic should help illuminate that for us all.

Everyone everywhere in the world is suffering and will suffer, to greater or lesser extents, from the health, economic, social, and psychological impacts of this virus. It is a global, shared experience, and requires a global, shared response. Some countries are better equipped to deal with the aftermath of the pandemic, while some countries are already depleted of resources and ridden with problems. Their ability to respond to the pandemic and the inevitable economic crisis will greatly depend on the level of solidarity we manage to muster.

Organising for peace and prosperity

Part of that global response of solidarity means investing in the local: local food production, local systems for support. It means investing in preventative healthcare, community health and human well-being so that we create resilient communities. But local does not mean isolationist. Local does not mean we cut ourselves off or reinforce an us vs. them mentality. Instead it means a turn away from the exploitation of humans, animals, and the environment that goes along with our current overreliance on transnational corporations that put profits over people and planet. It means a turn towards developing more resilient local economies and food production. It means a turn away from the production and sale and use of weapons and violence to “secure” states or citizens, towards disarmament and demilitarisation.

Compassion, care, and collective action will see us through this crisis, and will be the bedrock upon which we can build a world beyond capitalist exploitation, militarised security, and environmental destruction. The time to start imagining and structuring that world is now.

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Ray Acheson Speaking for Reaching Critical Will at a conference
Ray Acheson

Ray Acheson is the Director of WILPF’s Disarmament Programme, which provides analysis, research, and advocacy across a range of disarmament issues from an antimilitarist feminist perspective. Acheson represents WILPF on the steering committees of the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN), the Campaign to Stop Killer Robots, and the International Network on Explosive Weapons.

Matt Mahmoudi

Matt Mahmoudi (he/him) is a lecturer, researcher, and organizer. He’s been leading the “Ban the Scan” campaign, Amnesty International’s research and advocacy efforts on banning facial recognition technologies and exposing their uses against racialized communities, from New York City to the occupied Palestinian territories.

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Hanne Peterson

Europe Alternate Regional Representative

More about Hanne Peterson coming soon.

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Diana María Salcedo López

VICE-PRESIDENT

Diana María Salcedo López holds a degree in Political Science from the National University of Colombia, a Master’s degree in Women’s, Gender and Citizenship Studies from the University of Barcelona, and a Master’s degree in Human Rights, the Rule of Law and Democratisation from the University of Alcalá de Henares in Madrid. A feminist and anti-militarist, she has a solid track record spanning two decades working as a consultant for non-governmental organisations, international cooperation agencies, the United Nations and state bodies in Colombia. 

Her work has focused on safeguarding women’s rights, incorporating a gender and intersectional perspective into public policy, strengthening the social fabric amongst women who are victims of the armed conflict, and consolidating local peace-building processes. 

She currently serves as director of the Colombian section of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (LIMPAL Colombia), where she leads initiatives on issues such as feminist approaches to the energy transition, the protection of women human rights defenders, the implementation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda, and advocacy in international forums. She also represents the organisation on the Special Women’s Body for Monitoring the Peace Agreement and on the Intersectoral Commission on Security Guarantees for Women Human Rights Defenders and Women Leaders in Colombia. 

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Desirée Sterner

VICE-PRESIDENT

Desirée Sterner currently serves as President of the Swedish Section (IKFF), a role she has held since 2023. Her engagement with WILPF began at the grassroots level through the local branch in Lund/Malmö during her university years. Desirée brings a deep substantive understanding of WILPF’s core issues, rooted in academic training in gender, peace and security (LSE), war studies (Swedish Defence University), peace and conflict studies, and human rights (Lund University), combined with several years of practical advocacy, movement-building and organisational leadership work in Swedish civil society.  

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Sylvie Jacqueline Ndongmo

PRESIDENT

Sylvie Ndongmo, is a Cameroonian peacebuilder, feminist leader, civil society actor and Women, Peace and Security expert with over 30 years of experience in peacebuilding, mediation, and gender equality advocacy. She serves as International President of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) and is the founder of WILPF Cameroon and Executive Secretary of Women Peace Initiatives. She coordinates the Women and Youth Early Warning Monitoring Room in Cameroon and was recently appointed to the African Union Advisory Panel on Democratic Elections and Governance in Africa. Her work focuses on advancing women’s leadership, conflict prevention, and sustainable peace through feminist, inclusive, and intergenerational approaches.  

WILPF Afghanistan

In response to the takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban and its targeted attacks on civil society members, WILPF Afghanistan issued several statements calling on the international community to stand in solidarity with Afghan people and ensure that their rights be upheld, including access to aid. The Section also published 100 Untold Stories of War and Peace, a compilation of true stories that highlight the effects of war and militarisation on the region. 

IPB Congress Barcelona

WILPF Germany (+Young WILPF network), WILPF Spain and MENA Regional Representative

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Demilitarisation

WILPF uses feminist analysis to argue that militarisation is a counter-productive and ill-conceived response to establishing security in the world. The more society becomes militarised, the more violence and injustice are likely to grow locally and worldwide.

Sixteen states are believed to have supplied weapons to Afghanistan from 2001 to 2020 with the US supplying 74 % of weapons, followed by Russia. Much of this equipment was left behind by the US military and is being used to inflate Taliban’s arsenal. WILPF is calling for better oversight on arms movement, for compensating affected Afghan people and for an end to all militarised systems.

Militarised masculinity

Mobilising men and boys around feminist peace has been one way of deconstructing and redefining masculinities. WILPF shares a feminist analysis on the links between militarism, masculinities, peace and security. We explore opportunities for strengthening activists’ action to build equal partnerships among women and men for gender equality.

WILPF has been working on challenging the prevailing notion of masculinity based on men’s physical and social superiority to, and dominance of, women in Afghanistan. It recognizes that these notions are not representative of all Afghan men, contrary to the publicly prevailing notion.

Feminist peace​

In WILPF’s view, any process towards establishing peace that has not been partly designed by women remains deficient. Beyond bringing perspectives that encapsulate the views of half of the society and unlike the men only designed processes, women’s true and meaningful participation allows the situation to improve.

In Afghanistan, WILPF has been demanding that women occupy the front seats at the negotiating tables. The experience of the past 20 has shown that women’s presence produces more sustainable solutions when they are empowered and enabled to play a role.