Celebrating Feminists’ Voices, Inspiring Global Peace

Day 14: Gender Violence in Nepal: A Practice of the State?

8 December 2012

It is difficult to differentiate between violence committed by State actors, violence supported by the State and violence committed by private security agents.

In all cases, the lack of state accountability and the failure to bring perpetrators of sexual and gender-based violence (GBV) to justice remains a critical challenge to ending this form of violence.

In the context of Nepal, various forms of GBV exist including domestic violence, family abuse (polygamy, child marriage, dowry-related violence, mental abuse), sexual violence (trafficking, forced sex, sexual harassment), and punishment for witchcraft.

The context of GBV is interlinked with the social, cultural, religious, and gender norms and with the political conflict in Nepal. Although the Interim Constitution of Nepal gives every citizen the right to practice his/her own cultural customs and rituals, the Nepali law prohibits some harmful customs and rituals.

Photo of Nepali womanTraditional practices also contribute to the exploitation of women, particularly sexual abuse and sex work. For example, within the Badi community (in mid-western Terai district), many women are forced into commercial sex work, with 30%–40% reportedly being girls below the age of 15 years.

The Deuki tradition involves families offering young girls to temples to act as dancers in ceremonies. These girls, however, often experience sexual exploitation and enter sex work to earn a living.

Similarly, the Jhuma are Sherpa, who traditionally send their second-born daughters to monasteries as an offering to ensure the wellbeing of the girls’ family. Dalit women (lowest social caste) face multiple discriminations, are often accused of Boxi (witchcraft), and are extremely vulnerable to sexual exploitation.

Trafficking of young women from Nepal to India for sexual exploitation is a particular problem. An estimated 200,000 Nepali women are sex trafficked to India, half under 16 years of age when trafficked and one quarter below 14 years of age. A decade of armed conflict in Nepal is also thought to have contributed to GBV against women and girls, in particular through rape, trafficking, sexual slavery, displacement, and economic hardship.

The abuse of women in armed conflict is rooted in a culture of discrimination that denies women equal status to men. Social, political, and religious norms identify women as the property of men, conflate women’s chastity with family honour, and legitimise violence against women. Women’s financial dependence, subordinate social status, and a lack of legal support render them significantly vulnerable to continued abuse.

The legal and policy environment in Nepal contains some laws that may both perpetrate stigma and preclude redress for violence and discrimination suffered by disabled women. For example, the National Code 1964 permits a second marriage if the spouse becomes blind or crippled. Although this provision is applied to both men and women, it is generally exercised more by men than women.

Under the 11th amendment of Naya Muluki Ain (Country Code), any perpetrator (or perpetrators in the case of gang rape) of sexual violence against pregnant, disabled, or handicapped women will have an additional five years added to their sentence. However, these protective laws are often not put into practice, usually because of under-reporting of the issue by the women themselves.

Although not clearly stated in the law, sex work is illegal in Nepal. The interim constitution of Nepal guarantees that every citizen has the right to practice any profession. This could lead to the interpretation that selling sex voluntarily is not a crime.

However, the law has provision to punish those who forcefully engage women in prostitution under the Trafficking in Human Beings (Control) Act, 1986. Similarly, the National Plan of Action against Trafficking, 1999, is silent with regard to the legality of prostitution.

By Nirmala Sitoula, WILPF International Board member and 16 Days Campaign Co-ordinator

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Berit Aasen

Europe Alternate Regional Representative

Berit Aasen is a sociologist by training and has worked at the OsloMet Metropolitan University on Oslo. She has 40 years of experience in research and consultancy in development studies, including women, peace, and security, and in later years in asylum and refugee studies. Berit Aasen joined WILPF Norway five years ago. She is an alternate member of the National Board of WILPF Norway, and representing WILPF Norway in the UN Association of Norway, the Norwegian 1325 network and the Norwegian Women’s Lobby. Berit Aasen has been active in the WILPF European Liaison group and is committed to strengthening WILPF sections and membership both in Europe and relations across continents.

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Melissa Torres

VICE-PRESIDENT

Prior to being elected Vice-President, Melissa Torres was the WILPF US International Board Member from 2015 to 2018. Melissa joined WILPF in 2011 when she was selected as a Delegate to the Commission on the Status of Women as part of the WILPF US’ Practicum in Advocacy Programme at the United Nations, which she later led. She holds a PhD in Social Work and is a professor and Global Health Scholar at Baylor College of Medicine and research lead at BCM Anti-Human Trafficking Program. Of Mexican descent and a native of the US/Mexico border, Melissa is mostly concerned with the protection of displaced Latinxs in the Americas. Her work includes training, research, and service provision with the American Red Cross, the National Human Trafficking Training and Technical Assistance Centre, and refugee resettlement programs in the U.S. Some of her goals as Vice-President are to highlight intersectionality and increase diversity by fostering inclusive spaces for mentorship and leadership. She also contributes to WILPF’s emerging work on the topic of displacement and migration.

Jamila Afghani

VICE-PRESIDENT

Jamila Afghani is the President of WILPF Afghanistan which she started in 2015. She is also an active member and founder of several organisations including the Noor Educational and Capacity Development Organisation (NECDO). Elected in 2018 as South Asia Regional Representative to WILPF’s International Board, WILPF benefits from Jamila’s work experience in education, migration, gender, including gender-based violence and democratic governance in post-conflict and transitional countries.

Sylvie Jacqueline Ndongmo

PRESIDENT

Sylvie Jacqueline NDONGMO is a human rights and peace leader with over 27 years experience including ten within WILPF. She has a multi-disciplinary background with a track record of multiple socio-economic development projects implemented to improve policies, practices and peace-oriented actions. Sylvie is the founder of WILPF Cameroon and was the Section’s president until 2022. She co-coordinated the African Working Group before her election as Africa Representative to WILPF’s International Board in 2018. A teacher by profession and an African Union Trainer in peace support operations, Sylvie has extensive experience advocating for the political and social rights of women in Africa and worldwide.

WILPF Afghanistan

In response to the takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban and its targeted attacks on civil society members, WILPF Afghanistan issued several statements calling on the international community to stand in solidarity with Afghan people and ensure that their rights be upheld, including access to aid. The Section also published 100 Untold Stories of War and Peace, a compilation of true stories that highlight the effects of war and militarisation on the region. 

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WILPF Germany (+Young WILPF network), WILPF Spain and MENA Regional Representative

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Demilitarisation

WILPF uses feminist analysis to argue that militarisation is a counter-productive and ill-conceived response to establishing security in the world. The more society becomes militarised, the more violence and injustice are likely to grow locally and worldwide.

Sixteen states are believed to have supplied weapons to Afghanistan from 2001 to 2020 with the US supplying 74 % of weapons, followed by Russia. Much of this equipment was left behind by the US military and is being used to inflate Taliban’s arsenal. WILPF is calling for better oversight on arms movement, for compensating affected Afghan people and for an end to all militarised systems.

Militarised masculinity

Mobilising men and boys around feminist peace has been one way of deconstructing and redefining masculinities. WILPF shares a feminist analysis on the links between militarism, masculinities, peace and security. We explore opportunities for strengthening activists’ action to build equal partnerships among women and men for gender equality.

WILPF has been working on challenging the prevailing notion of masculinity based on men’s physical and social superiority to, and dominance of, women in Afghanistan. It recognizes that these notions are not representative of all Afghan men, contrary to the publicly prevailing notion.

Feminist peace​

In WILPF’s view, any process towards establishing peace that has not been partly designed by women remains deficient. Beyond bringing perspectives that encapsulate the views of half of the society and unlike the men only designed processes, women’s true and meaningful participation allows the situation to improve.

In Afghanistan, WILPF has been demanding that women occupy the front seats at the negotiating tables. The experience of the past 20 has shown that women’s presence produces more sustainable solutions when they are empowered and enabled to play a role.