Celebrating Feminists’ Voices, Inspiring Global Peace

Analysis
#CSW70WithoutUs

How can CSW promote access to justice when women are denied access to CSW itself? 

As the UN convenes the 70th Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) in New York under the theme “access to justice,” a stark contradiction emerges: the host country’s escalating travel bans and repression systematically exclude feminists from conflict zones and the Global South. With the very right to participate under threat, this article explores how movements are challenging the legitimacy of a global gathering that silences its most critical voices.

A row of international flags waves in front of a tall glass building. Over the building, bold text reads: CSW cannot be business as usual in red and yellow letters.
Image credit: WILPF
WILPF International Secretariat
10 March 2026

Between 9-20 March 2026, the United Nations is hosting the 70th session of the annual Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) in New York. As the largest gender equality gathering in the world, CSW is often an important space for feminist movements to come together, strategise, and advocate for policy advancement and implementation of women’s rights obligations. But this year’s CSW is taking place amidst rapidly escalating fascism in the United States, the host country of the United Nations, making the environment around the conference more repressive and restrictive for the feminist movements that are essential to its success and legitimacy.  

CSW cannot truly claim anymore to be a global gathering on women’s rights when it takes place in a country that systematically prevents women from dozens of countries from participating in person. The US has formally imposed full or partial travel bans on around 40 countries, including Afghanistan, Burkina Faso, Haiti, Libya, Niger, Palestine, Syria, and Yemen. These bans will especially prevent feminists from countries most impacted by war, conflict, and imperialism from attending CSW and other multilateral conferences that take place in New York. They compound the huge preexisting challenges obtaining visas to the United States, something which WILPF adopted a resolution on at our 2022 International Congress.  

The fascist, white Christian nationalist, and militaristic ideology of the Trump administration have come to the forefront in its work at the United Nations. It  withdrew from 66 different international organisations, arguing that “what started as a pragmatic framework of international organisations for peace and cooperation has morphed into a sprawling architecture of global governance, often dominated by progressive ideology and detached from national interests.”  Even where it has not withdrawn , including at CSW, the US delegation is consistently and actively trying to dismantle the UN’s work on gender equality, women’s rights, and sustainable development by rolling back language on gender-based violence, sexual and reproductive health and rights, inclusion, social justice, and beyond. On the first day of CSW70, the US tried to sabotage the adoption of the Agreed Conclusions by proposing anti-rights amendments, and galvanising some support from other likeminded countries, which resulted in the Agreed Conclusions being brought to a vote. Ultimately, the Agreed Conclusions were adopted with the US being the only vote against. 

Over the past year, the US government has also exponentially increased funding for Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), expanding detention and enforcement operations. Beyond the violence ICE is using to terrorise immigrant communities, this repression of movement also is making it riskier and more dangerous to travel to the US. This may especially be the case for those who are outspoken on issues such as Israel’s genocide in Gaza, given that the Trump administration has adopted new “anti-terrorism” executive orders and memoranda that target anti-fascist, anti-capitalist, and feminist activists, among others. 

Within this climate, what does it mean for us, as feminists, to continue to engage in these spaces? What does it mean for the United States to continue to be the host country of the United Nations when it is not only restricting access to it, but also potentially contributing to its imminent financial collapse? And politically, what does the priority theme of CSW70, access to justice, mean when impunity for genocide and flagrant human rights violations is the norm? 

Although the domestic political repression in the US is reaching a new stage, it is important to also acknowledge that for years, feminists have criticised spaces such as CSW for not sufficiently holding states accountable to their obligations on women’s rights. It has been challenging for some years now to advance progressive language on gender, amidst pushback not just from the US, but from other powerful states such as Russia and China, as well as Member States and observers such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, the Vatican, and more. States that are allies on some issues — such as progressive gender language – are often not allies on global justice issues relating to debt or militarism, for example, and vice versa. Crucially for WILPF, the connection to armed conflict and militarism is almost never made at CSW, where these critical issues are siloed away to the purview of the Security Council. This is even though 31 years ago, the Beijing Platform for Action identified disarmament, military spending, and women’s participation in peace as key feminist issues. All of this means that, in many ways, we have already been lowering the bar of what it means to hold a “women’s rights conference” and have normalised lack of accountability, inaction, and cheap talk over concrete steps towards change. 

As an organisation that advocated for the creation of the League of Nations over a hundred years ago, and which has been accredited by ECOSOC since the founding days of the UN, WILPF has consistently envisioned and worked for a multilateral system that delivers peace and freedom for all people. But as other feminist organisations such as AWID have argued, CSW cannot be “business as usual”. Back in 2017, WILPF boycotted CSW due to the initial travel bans of the first Trump administration, which targeted several Muslim-majority countries. This year, we are operating in an environment of severe repression, but also one of extreme defunding, where feminist organisations throughout the world are shutting down due to cuts in Official Development Assistance (ODA) and other funding. This is aiming to silence our voices, stop our work, and exclude us further from tables we must be part of.  

Feminists across the SWANA region, including the Arab Feminist Network, are mobilising to demand that the international community recognises that they are being excluded from these spaces through a campaign #CSW70WithoutUs. The Egyptian organisation Centre for Egyptian Women Legal Assistance (CEWLA) took the decision to not participate in CSW70, “in protest against the continued convening of the conference in a city that has become politically unsafe for human rights defenders—particularly women human rights defenders—amid systematic policies of restriction, exclusion, and surveillance that cast a shadow over the orientations and outcomes of the UN committee.” 
 
Palestinian feminist organisations have also jointly consulted and issued a statement regarding CSW70, stating that “restricting women’s access from these contexts to the Commission on the Status of Women entrenches the marginalisation of the most affected voices and undermines the Commission’s core purpose and directly contradicts the theme of this session: Access to Justice.” In this statement, they collectively decided to limit participation to virtual events only. They have also issued other calls, including: 

  • Demanding the relocation of the Commission on the Status of Women to an alternative, more just and inclusive host country, preferably in the Global South, in order to ensure equitable access and lower participation costs, particularly for women from conflict and occupation contexts. 
  • Urging feminist actors participating in CSW70 in New York to protest and to include the exclusion of Palestinian women from participation in their advocacy messages, while amplifying the voices of Palestinian women living under occupation and genocide. 
  • Demanding that UN Women takes a clear and public stance against exclusionary and discriminatory policies that prevent women from meaningful participation in the work of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW), and to demand guarantees for women’s unrestricted access to UN decision-making platforms, in line with the core principles of equality, justice, and inclusivity upon which the agency is founded. 

As WILPF has an office in New York, we are attending CSW70 with a scaled-back presence, with much participation being from WILPF members already based in the United States. We will not be treating this as a typical CSW, but will instead be sounding the alarm about the dismantling of multilateralism, pattern of exclusion, defunding of the UN, and the fact that impunity has become the norm. It is crucial that Member States do not accept this as the new reality, but instead use the multi-year implementation of the CSW revitalisation process to think about how to make this conference radical, bold, effective, accessible, and just.  

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WILPF International Secretariat

WILPF International Secretariat, with offices in Geneva and New York, liaises with the International Board and the National Sections and Groups for the implementation of WILPF International Programme, resolutions and policies as adopted by the International Congress. Under the direction of the Secretary-General, the Secretariat also provides support in areas of advocacy, communications, and financial operations.

Matt Mahmoudi

Matt Mahmoudi (he/him) is a lecturer, researcher, and organizer. He’s been leading the “Ban the Scan” campaign, Amnesty International’s research and advocacy efforts on banning facial recognition technologies and exposing their uses against racialized communities, from New York City to the occupied Palestinian territories.

Berit Aasen

Europe Alternate Regional Representative

Berit Aasen is a sociologist by training and has worked at the OsloMet Metropolitan University on Oslo. She has 40 years of experience in research and consultancy in development studies, including women, peace, and security, and in later years in asylum and refugee studies. Berit Aasen joined WILPF Norway five years ago. She is an alternate member of the National Board of WILPF Norway, and representing WILPF Norway in the UN Association of Norway, the Norwegian 1325 network and the Norwegian Women’s Lobby. Berit Aasen has been active in the WILPF European Liaison group and is committed to strengthening WILPF sections and membership both in Europe and relations across continents.

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Melissa Torres

VICE-PRESIDENT

Prior to being elected Vice-President, Melissa Torres was the WILPF US International Board Member from 2015 to 2018. Melissa joined WILPF in 2011 when she was selected as a Delegate to the Commission on the Status of Women as part of the WILPF US’ Practicum in Advocacy Programme at the United Nations, which she later led. She holds a PhD in Social Work and is a professor and Global Health Scholar at Baylor College of Medicine and research lead at BCM Anti-Human Trafficking Program. Of Mexican descent and a native of the US/Mexico border, Melissa is mostly concerned with the protection of displaced Latinxs in the Americas. Her work includes training, research, and service provision with the American Red Cross, the National Human Trafficking Training and Technical Assistance Centre, and refugee resettlement programs in the U.S. Some of her goals as Vice-President are to highlight intersectionality and increase diversity by fostering inclusive spaces for mentorship and leadership. She also contributes to WILPF’s emerging work on the topic of displacement and migration.

Jamila Afghani

VICE-PRESIDENT

Jamila Afghani is the President of WILPF Afghanistan which she started in 2015. She is also an active member and founder of several organisations including the Noor Educational and Capacity Development Organisation (NECDO). Elected in 2018 as South Asia Regional Representative to WILPF’s International Board, WILPF benefits from Jamila’s work experience in education, migration, gender, including gender-based violence and democratic governance in post-conflict and transitional countries.

A woman in a blue, black, and white dress smiles radiantly in front of a leafy green background.

Sylvie Jacqueline Ndongmo

PRESIDENT

Sylvie Jacqueline NDONGMO is a human rights and peace leader with over 27 years experience including ten within WILPF. She has a multi-disciplinary background with a track record of multiple socio-economic development projects implemented to improve policies, practices and peace-oriented actions. Sylvie is the founder of WILPF Cameroon and was the Section’s president until 2022. She co-coordinated the African Working Group before her election as Africa Representative to WILPF’s International Board in 2018. A teacher by profession and an African Union Trainer in peace support operations, Sylvie has extensive experience advocating for the political and social rights of women in Africa and worldwide.

WILPF Afghanistan

In response to the takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban and its targeted attacks on civil society members, WILPF Afghanistan issued several statements calling on the international community to stand in solidarity with Afghan people and ensure that their rights be upheld, including access to aid. The Section also published 100 Untold Stories of War and Peace, a compilation of true stories that highlight the effects of war and militarisation on the region. 

IPB Congress Barcelona

WILPF Germany (+Young WILPF network), WILPF Spain and MENA Regional Representative

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Demilitarisation

WILPF uses feminist analysis to argue that militarisation is a counter-productive and ill-conceived response to establishing security in the world. The more society becomes militarised, the more violence and injustice are likely to grow locally and worldwide.

Sixteen states are believed to have supplied weapons to Afghanistan from 2001 to 2020 with the US supplying 74 % of weapons, followed by Russia. Much of this equipment was left behind by the US military and is being used to inflate Taliban’s arsenal. WILPF is calling for better oversight on arms movement, for compensating affected Afghan people and for an end to all militarised systems.

Militarised masculinity

Mobilising men and boys around feminist peace has been one way of deconstructing and redefining masculinities. WILPF shares a feminist analysis on the links between militarism, masculinities, peace and security. We explore opportunities for strengthening activists’ action to build equal partnerships among women and men for gender equality.

WILPF has been working on challenging the prevailing notion of masculinity based on men’s physical and social superiority to, and dominance of, women in Afghanistan. It recognizes that these notions are not representative of all Afghan men, contrary to the publicly prevailing notion.

Feminist peace​

In WILPF’s view, any process towards establishing peace that has not been partly designed by women remains deficient. Beyond bringing perspectives that encapsulate the views of half of the society and unlike the men only designed processes, women’s true and meaningful participation allows the situation to improve.

In Afghanistan, WILPF has been demanding that women occupy the front seats at the negotiating tables. The experience of the past 20 has shown that women’s presence produces more sustainable solutions when they are empowered and enabled to play a role.