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The Peace That Is Not: Bosnia and Herzegovina is an Egregious Example of Failures of Neoliberal Peacebuilding

In the media, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is often presented as a country unable to fix itself. Between the return of Taliban rule in Afghanistan and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the image of BiH as a country on the verge of collapse featured strongly in newspaper headlines: from Bosnia being ‘in danger of breaking up’ to warnings of a ‘brewing crisis’ or ‘exploding Balkans.’ In this article, we explore the perception of BiH as a dysfunctional state torn between its aspiration to become a member of the European Union and the self-interested corruption of its ethno-national elites, and dig behind the headlines to find out the reasons behind the failure of the BiH peace process.

Image credit: WILPF
Gorana Mlinarević and Nela Porobić
6 October 2022

Why did peace fail in BiH?

To some extent, it is true that BiH is a country in which the aggressive militaristic and nationalistic strategies of its elites have resulted in a total blockade of the country’s institutions. But the truth of when, how, and why things went wrong with peacebuilding in BiH goes far beyond the sanitised analysis of mainstream media and in the political corridors of London, Brussels, Moscow, Istanbul, or Washington. 

The story of BiH’s failing peace started the day the war ended and a peace agreement between the ethno-nationalist and international elites was agreed upon, with the people of BiH conspicuously absent from those negotiations. Everything that has happened since then—from corruption, militarisation and the strengthening of ethno-nationalist projects to massive post-war emigration—is an outcome of how this so-called peace was built and by whom.

Such an outcome was not inevitable. The failure of the peace process is a product of the international community’s colonial approach to “building peace” according to their needs, and of the feudal and autocratic behaviour of ethno-nationalist elites. A functional state could not have been built on structures that ensure eternal impunity and reign of corrupted elites, both domestic and international, as little as sustainable peace could have been built on an uncontested spread of neoliberal capitalism under the guise of implementation of a peace agreement.

Having lived in this neoliberal “experiment”, wrapped in the language of peacebuilding and recovery, we are very familiar with its insidious workings: reducing democracy to an election day, using reconstruction and recovery as a paravane for privatisation and onslaught on our public sector and commons, using the implementation of the peace agreement as a pretence for transforming our political economy without giving us a say in it, introducing fiscal consolidation and austerity measures and claiming those are socio-economic reforms, consolidating political and economic power in the hands of few and calling it progress, using the international loans under the pretence of investment in sustainable energy and infrastructure while at the same time destroying and polluting our ecosystem and pushing us further into debt. It is crystal clear that the current international peacebuilding efforts are a vehicle for spreading neoliberal capitalism, with an international peacebuilding industry in the driver’s seat.

Understanding this background, unpacking the reasons why neoliberal peacebuilding in BiH is faltering seems to us of utmost importance. No one is off the hook. In our work, we have been warning for some time now that we need to go beyond the mainstream and localised interpretations, narratives, and understandings of the peacebuilding in BiH to see the full consequences on the political, economic and social context in which we are trying to restore our lives, at an individual and collective level. It is essential that we reflect on how the war and the peace have been interpreted, applied, projected, and reproduced within the Bosnian and Herzegovinian society and how a process of peacebuilding, firmly grounded in neoliberal ideology, has generated results contrary to the very essence of peace. 

The global failures of neoliberal peacebuilding

BiH is not the only country that has fallen victim to the neoliberal peacebuilding industry. It is, however, a particularly egregious example of how flawed this approach has been and continues to be. Other feminists have also been warning, in relation to Afghanistan, Lebanon, Iraq, Syria and many other places, that the actual consequence of the neoliberal approach to peacebuilding is militarisation, exploitation, deepening of inequalities and depoliticisation. Not peace. And this is a structural problem with global consequences.

As the invasion of Ukraine, along with militarisation of our societies and our everyday lives, is being normalised in the public debate, Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Balkans are again popping up as the next potential war zones in the never-ending opening of new fronts. Building peace by and for the people, rather than elites, should be at the top of the global agenda, but it is not.

Unless we start opening up discussions about and addressing the militaristic workings of neoliberalism, and start looking for other solutions, we are approaching the point of no return and risking the future of our planet. The first step is to recognise that peace and neoliberal capitalism are two mutually exclusive concepts and to look for alternatives.  More than 25 years of failed peacebuilding in Bosnia and Herzegovina have made this painfully clear.

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Gorana Mlinarević and Nela Porobić

Gorana Mlinarević and Nela Porobić are feminist researchers and activists from Bosnia and Herzegovina. Their critical reflections on peacebuilding in BiH, ‘The Peace That Is Not: 25 Years of Experimenting with Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina,’ can be read here.

Matt Mahmoudi

Matt Mahmoudi (he/him) is a lecturer, researcher, and organizer. He’s been leading the “Ban the Scan” campaign, Amnesty International’s research and advocacy efforts on banning facial recognition technologies and exposing their uses against racialized communities, from New York City to the occupied Palestinian territories.

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Hanne Peterson

Europe Alternate Regional Representative

More about Hanne Peterson coming soon.

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Diana María Salcedo López

VICE-PRESIDENT

Diana María Salcedo López holds a degree in Political Science from the National University of Colombia, a Master’s degree in Women’s, Gender and Citizenship Studies from the University of Barcelona, and a Master’s degree in Human Rights, the Rule of Law and Democratisation from the University of Alcalá de Henares in Madrid. A feminist and anti-militarist, she has a solid track record spanning two decades working as a consultant for non-governmental organisations, international cooperation agencies, the United Nations and state bodies in Colombia. 

Her work has focused on safeguarding women’s rights, incorporating a gender and intersectional perspective into public policy, strengthening the social fabric amongst women who are victims of the armed conflict, and consolidating local peace-building processes. 

She currently serves as director of the Colombian section of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (LIMPAL Colombia), where she leads initiatives on issues such as feminist approaches to the energy transition, the protection of women human rights defenders, the implementation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda, and advocacy in international forums. She also represents the organisation on the Special Women’s Body for Monitoring the Peace Agreement and on the Intersectoral Commission on Security Guarantees for Women Human Rights Defenders and Women Leaders in Colombia. 

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Desirée Sterner

VICE-PRESIDENT

Desirée Sterner currently serves as President of the Swedish Section (IKFF), a role she has held since 2023. Her engagement with WILPF began at the grassroots level through the local branch in Lund/Malmö during her university years. Desirée brings a deep substantive understanding of WILPF’s core issues, rooted in academic training in gender, peace and security (LSE), war studies (Swedish Defence University), peace and conflict studies, and human rights (Lund University), combined with several years of practical advocacy, movement-building and organisational leadership work in Swedish civil society.  

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Sylvie Jacqueline Ndongmo

PRESIDENT

Sylvie Ndongmo, is a Cameroonian peacebuilder, feminist leader, civil society actor and Women, Peace and Security expert with over 30 years of experience in peacebuilding, mediation, and gender equality advocacy. She serves as International President of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) and is the founder of WILPF Cameroon and Executive Secretary of Women Peace Initiatives. She coordinates the Women and Youth Early Warning Monitoring Room in Cameroon and was recently appointed to the African Union Advisory Panel on Democratic Elections and Governance in Africa. Her work focuses on advancing women’s leadership, conflict prevention, and sustainable peace through feminist, inclusive, and intergenerational approaches.  

WILPF Afghanistan

In response to the takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban and its targeted attacks on civil society members, WILPF Afghanistan issued several statements calling on the international community to stand in solidarity with Afghan people and ensure that their rights be upheld, including access to aid. The Section also published 100 Untold Stories of War and Peace, a compilation of true stories that highlight the effects of war and militarisation on the region. 

IPB Congress Barcelona

WILPF Germany (+Young WILPF network), WILPF Spain and MENA Regional Representative

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Demilitarisation

WILPF uses feminist analysis to argue that militarisation is a counter-productive and ill-conceived response to establishing security in the world. The more society becomes militarised, the more violence and injustice are likely to grow locally and worldwide.

Sixteen states are believed to have supplied weapons to Afghanistan from 2001 to 2020 with the US supplying 74 % of weapons, followed by Russia. Much of this equipment was left behind by the US military and is being used to inflate Taliban’s arsenal. WILPF is calling for better oversight on arms movement, for compensating affected Afghan people and for an end to all militarised systems.

Militarised masculinity

Mobilising men and boys around feminist peace has been one way of deconstructing and redefining masculinities. WILPF shares a feminist analysis on the links between militarism, masculinities, peace and security. We explore opportunities for strengthening activists’ action to build equal partnerships among women and men for gender equality.

WILPF has been working on challenging the prevailing notion of masculinity based on men’s physical and social superiority to, and dominance of, women in Afghanistan. It recognizes that these notions are not representative of all Afghan men, contrary to the publicly prevailing notion.

Feminist peace​

In WILPF’s view, any process towards establishing peace that has not been partly designed by women remains deficient. Beyond bringing perspectives that encapsulate the views of half of the society and unlike the men only designed processes, women’s true and meaningful participation allows the situation to improve.

In Afghanistan, WILPF has been demanding that women occupy the front seats at the negotiating tables. The experience of the past 20 has shown that women’s presence produces more sustainable solutions when they are empowered and enabled to play a role.