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WILPF at COP30: Move the Money from Military Spending to A Gender-Responsive Just Transition

From 10–21 November, WILPF will participate in the 30th session of the  Conference of the Parties (COP30) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in Belém, Brazil. COP30 has been dubbed the “COP of implementation”– where the Brazilian presidency has vowed to prioritise action over words.  

Two women stand smiling in front of a green backdrop with parrots and a river. One holds a protest sign about climate and gender justice. Text reads: “WILPF @ COP30: Move the Money from Militarism to a Gender-Just Transition.”.
Image credit: WILPF
WILPF International Secretariat
6 November 2025

A major focus of this year’s COP is on the Just Transition Work Programme. WILPF will amplify demands by our allies for the Belém Action Mechanism for a Just Transition (BAM) that meaningfully supports frontline communities, workers, and people most affected. BAM must centre care work, informal work, and gender responsiveness to ensure a truly equitable transition.  

Set in the heart of the Amazon Basin, COP30 provides an unprecedented opportunity to root global climate ambition in Indigenous traditional knowledge. This year’s summit is expected to host the largest delegation of Indigenous peoples in COP history, marking a significant moment for climate justice. 

Building on our collective advocacy from previous years, WILPF’s delegation will continue to highlight demilitarisation as essential for climate justice – a topic that is yet to make it into the official negotiations at the world’s largest climate talks. 

COP30: What is at stake? 

Trust in the multilateral system is rapidly eroding. While marginalised communities face devastating climate impacts, diplomats in suits gather each year in air-conditioned rooms to polish commas in texts that never leave the page. 

The ongoing failure of states parties to meet their obligations under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) — to reduce emissions and phase out fossil fuel extraction and use — has set the world on a path toward catastrophic levels of global warming.  

As stated by the Climate Action Network (CAN), the largest global climate justice network, of which WILPF is a member, “COP30 represents a definitive test for the relevance of the multilateral climate regime.” 

Just Transition Rising 

Against this backdrop, CAN argues that “the just transition agenda becomes the essential connective tissue binding technical climate action and real-world legitimacy among people.” 

The concept “just transition” has its origins in the 1970s US labour movements who were concerned about the impacts of a fossil fuel phase-out on jobs and livelihoods. Since then, the term has evolved into a broader call for systems change.  

With a Just Transition Work Programme established at COP27, COP30 is the moment for implementation. We join our allies in calling for the establishment of the Belém Action Mechanism for a Just Transition (BAM) to coordinate a just transition internationally and equitably, supported by just transition principles, and ensuring clear sources of finance, amongst others. WILPF will support the Women and Gender Constituency (WGC), of which it is a member, in advocacy efforts to retain language on care work, informal work and on gender responsiveness in the just transition. 

We particularly challenge the proliferation of false solutions within the Just Transition debates, from corporate greenwashing attempts, the militarisation of so-called ‘critical’ minerals, to suggestions of debt-induced financing. The global just transition is an opportune moment to transform the current fossil-fuel fuelled systems of extraction and exploitation into economies that center community well-being, ecological regeneration, democratised renewable energy access.  There cannot be a just transition without an overall reduction of energy usage and consumption in the global north, and the abolition of harmful sectors across the globe— including the military-industrial complex —a sector that threatens people and the planet and that is at odds with a just transition. 

What Else Will be Discussed? 

As every year, the agenda for COP is dense, with many negotiation tracks set to take place in parallel. COP29 and COP30 Presidencies will present the “Baku-to-Bélem Roadmap” to mobilise 1.3 trillion in climate finance by 2035. It is important to ensure that climate finance is grant-based, accessible, and human rights and gender-responsive.  

COP30 will also see the negotiation of the Gender Action Plan – a vital support system for gender-responsive climate action. Other themes to be addressed include the Global Goal on Adaptation, Deforestation, the Global Stocktake, and continued work on the Loss and Damage Fund, amongst others. 

What about Peace?  

COP30 misses an opportunity to build on the growing momentum of integrating peace into the agenda from past COPs. COP28 adopted the Declaration on Climate, Relief, Recovery, and Peace, while COP29, launched the Baku Peace Hub. Both included official “peace days” — limited in substance, but at least offering some visibility to the issue. This year, even those symbolic gestures are absent. Although previous efforts to highlight peace at COPs failed to address the critical role of militarism in the climate crisis, they nonetheless provided valuable entry points for advocacy. 

There are still opportunities to continue work for demilitarisation at this year’s COP. At COP28, Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva made connections between the climate crisis and militarisation, he emerged from a high-level meeting stating: “It is unacceptable that the promise of $100 billion a year made by the ‘developed’ countries will not come to fruition while, in 2021 alone, military spending reached $2.2 trillion.”  

Other countries have made similar observations at COP29: 

  • Nepal called for “the vast resources spent on arms [to] be redirected to mitigation efforts,”  
  • Mexico called for dedicating “1% of military spending to a reforestation program that would restore 15 million hectares and capture millions of tons of carbon dioxide,” and  
  • Panama noted that “Global military spending stands at about $2.5 trillion yearly. $2.5 trillion to kill each other is not too much, but 1 trillion to save lives is unreasonable.”  

These growing references by states to the link between militarism and the climate crisis offer important openings for advocacy to push demilitarization further onto the official climate agenda. 

Positively, COP30 offers expanding opportunities for civil society to push demilitarisation higher on the climate agenda. Across movements, there is growing recognition that militarism is a key driver of the climate crisis, and an increasing number of allies are integrating this understanding into their advocacy demands.  

COP30 will also mark the first Conference since Glasgow (COP26) to be held in a country that permits public demonstrations. The People’s Summit, taking place from 12 to 16 November, will foreground the perspectives and solutions of Indigenous, traditional, and marginalised communities. Its manifesto calls for “just peace” and an end to “wars, apartheid, colonisation, and the militarisation of life.” The Global Day of Action, on 15 November 2025, will see mass mobilisations in Belém and across the world—an important moment to demand demilitarisation as essential to climate justice. 

Why It Matters: Militarism and the Climate Crisis 

COP30 unfolds against a backdrop of immense global suffering — from the ongoing genocide of the Palestinian people, to famine and mass atrocities in Sudan, to Russia’s continued invasion of Ukraine, alongside numerous other devastating conflicts worldwide. These crises not only cause unimaginable human pain but also intensify the climate crisis and accelerate widespread ecological destruction.  

Estimates suggest that the first three years of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine have contributed to global emissions more than the annual output of Austria, Hungary, Czech Republic, and Slovakia combined, and the climate damage already exceeding US $43 billion. In Gaza, researchers estimated that the emissions from the first 15 months of Israel’s bombardment and reconstruction were greater than the annual emissions of102 individual countries. 

Even in so-called “peace times”, the global military is a major driver of the climate crisis, responsible for approximately 5.5% of total global emissions — more than double the emissions produced by the entire civilian aviation industry. Yet most countries report little to nothing of their military’s emissions in their reports to the UNFCCC. 

Militarism, armed conflict and the climate crisis all have direct and disproportionate impacts on women, LGBTIQA+ individuals, Indigenous peoples and other marginalised populations, including increased rates of gender-based violence to deepening poverty, increased likelihood of displacement to forced early marriage and more.   

Yet despite the vast consequences of militarism for people and the planet, military spending continues to escalate year after year. In 2024, military spending hit $2.7 trillion, with a 9.4% year-on-year increase the steepest rise since at least 1988. This spending exacerbates the climate crisis– with each dollar spent on the military generating more than twice the greenhouse gas emissions of a dollar spent elsewhere, while diverting valuable resources away from climate mitigation, adaptation, or addressing loss and damage. 

WILPF at COP30 

Although military spending and the broader impacts of militarism are absent from the official COP30 agenda, there remain key opportunities to continue centering demilitarisation within the COP space. Civil society—led by WILPF and its allies—will continue to pave the way in advancing this crucial agenda. 

This year, WILPF will be represented by WILPF Colombia (Limpal), a Section from the region working actively on climate justice. Valentina and Natalia will amplify our demands and support collective advocacy with the Women and Gender Constituency (WGC), Climate Action Network (CAN), Global Energy Embargo for Palestine and the Fossil Fuel Treaty Initiative and the WGC Peace and Demilitarisation Working Group, founded by WILPF in 2023.

Read more information about our COP30 delegates here.

WILPF’s Key Demands at COP30 

Adopt the Belém Action Mechanism (BAM) for a Just Transition.  

BAM must orient the entire international system behind people-centred transitions where workers and communities oversee decisions that affect their lives and livelihoods. Less than 3%  of multilateral climate finance is allocated to a ‘just’ transition activities. COP30 must recognise that designing and delivering just transition policies requires dedicated resources. We call for the re-allocation of military expenditure as a key source of finance for the just transition. We also call for a reduction in energy use and consumption in the Global North and the abolition of harmful sectors across the globe— including the military-industrial complex — sectors that threaten people and the planet and that are at odds with a just transition. 

Reallocate military spending to climate finance.  

Parties must explore innovative  sources for public finance. The “Baku-to-Bélem Roadmap” should focus on increasing available public finance from ‘developed’ countries through redirection of harmful financial flows, including military spending. On average, ‘developed’ countries have been spending 30 times as much on their military budgets compared to international climate finance. 

Accelerate an equitable fossil fuel phase out.  

The latest climate plans (NDCs) submitted by states parties expose a glaring and alarming ambition gap. Despite the clear mandate from the UAE COP28 decision, every fossil-fuel-producing ‘developed’ country omits a timeline to end coal, oil, or gas production. Along with our allies from CAN, we call on countries most responsible for the climate crisis to re-submit their NDCs before COP31. States must close the “military emissions gap,”and agree to set clear targets to reduce military emissions in line with the 1.5°C limit. As a partner of the Fossil Fuel Treaty Initiative, we will also demand for COP30 to recognise the First International Conference for the Phase Out of Fossil Fuels set to take place in Spring 2026 in Colombia. 

We also further support and amplify the demands by our allies and partners, including the Climate Action Network (CAN); the Fossil Fuel Treaty Initiative, the Global Energy Embargo for Palestine; the Women and Gender Constituency (WGC); as well as our members from the region, including WILPF Brazil’s manifesto for COP30 and WILPF Colombia’s (LIMPAL) priorities. 

Our events 

  • 10 Nov, 11:00–11:50 (Moana Pacific Pavilion) 
    Militarism, Climate Change and the Pacific: Building Resilience, Peace and Justice (WILPF, CEOBS, Pacific Islands Climate Action Network, Alliance for Future Generations Fiji, Peace Boat). More information.
  • 13 Nov, 16:30–18:00 (UNFCCC Side Event Room 4) 
    Disarming the Climate Crisis: The True Cost of Militarism (WILPF, Peace Boat, IPPNW, Peace Track Initiative). More information.

How to follow WILPF at COP30 

For all things WILPF at COP30, visit our dedicated page on wilpf.org. To stay updated on WILPF’s advocacy for demilitarisation, climate justice, and gender equality by following WILPF and LIMPAL Colombia on social media. 

Many COP30 sessions will be livestreamed via UN Web TV. You can access it here.

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WILPF International Secretariat

WILPF International Secretariat, with offices in Geneva and New York, liaises with the International Board and the National Sections and Groups for the implementation of WILPF International Programme, resolutions and policies as adopted by the International Congress. Under the direction of the Secretary-General, the Secretariat also provides support in areas of advocacy, communications, and financial operations.

Matt Mahmoudi

Matt Mahmoudi (he/him) is a lecturer, researcher, and organizer. He’s been leading the “Ban the Scan” campaign, Amnesty International’s research and advocacy efforts on banning facial recognition technologies and exposing their uses against racialized communities, from New York City to the occupied Palestinian territories.

Berit Aasen

Europe Alternate Regional Representative

Berit Aasen is a sociologist by training and has worked at the OsloMet Metropolitan University on Oslo. She has 40 years of experience in research and consultancy in development studies, including women, peace, and security, and in later years in asylum and refugee studies. Berit Aasen joined WILPF Norway five years ago. She is an alternate member of the National Board of WILPF Norway, and representing WILPF Norway in the UN Association of Norway, the Norwegian 1325 network and the Norwegian Women’s Lobby. Berit Aasen has been active in the WILPF European Liaison group and is committed to strengthening WILPF sections and membership both in Europe and relations across continents.

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Melissa Torres

VICE-PRESIDENT

Prior to being elected Vice-President, Melissa Torres was the WILPF US International Board Member from 2015 to 2018. Melissa joined WILPF in 2011 when she was selected as a Delegate to the Commission on the Status of Women as part of the WILPF US’ Practicum in Advocacy Programme at the United Nations, which she later led. She holds a PhD in Social Work and is a professor and Global Health Scholar at Baylor College of Medicine and research lead at BCM Anti-Human Trafficking Program. Of Mexican descent and a native of the US/Mexico border, Melissa is mostly concerned with the protection of displaced Latinxs in the Americas. Her work includes training, research, and service provision with the American Red Cross, the National Human Trafficking Training and Technical Assistance Centre, and refugee resettlement programs in the U.S. Some of her goals as Vice-President are to highlight intersectionality and increase diversity by fostering inclusive spaces for mentorship and leadership. She also contributes to WILPF’s emerging work on the topic of displacement and migration.

Jamila Afghani

VICE-PRESIDENT

Jamila Afghani is the President of WILPF Afghanistan which she started in 2015. She is also an active member and founder of several organisations including the Noor Educational and Capacity Development Organisation (NECDO). Elected in 2018 as South Asia Regional Representative to WILPF’s International Board, WILPF benefits from Jamila’s work experience in education, migration, gender, including gender-based violence and democratic governance in post-conflict and transitional countries.

A woman in a blue, black, and white dress smiles radiantly in front of a leafy green background.

Sylvie Jacqueline Ndongmo

PRESIDENT

Sylvie Jacqueline NDONGMO is a human rights and peace leader with over 27 years experience including ten within WILPF. She has a multi-disciplinary background with a track record of multiple socio-economic development projects implemented to improve policies, practices and peace-oriented actions. Sylvie is the founder of WILPF Cameroon and was the Section’s president until 2022. She co-coordinated the African Working Group before her election as Africa Representative to WILPF’s International Board in 2018. A teacher by profession and an African Union Trainer in peace support operations, Sylvie has extensive experience advocating for the political and social rights of women in Africa and worldwide.

WILPF Afghanistan

In response to the takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban and its targeted attacks on civil society members, WILPF Afghanistan issued several statements calling on the international community to stand in solidarity with Afghan people and ensure that their rights be upheld, including access to aid. The Section also published 100 Untold Stories of War and Peace, a compilation of true stories that highlight the effects of war and militarisation on the region. 

IPB Congress Barcelona

WILPF Germany (+Young WILPF network), WILPF Spain and MENA Regional Representative

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Demilitarisation

WILPF uses feminist analysis to argue that militarisation is a counter-productive and ill-conceived response to establishing security in the world. The more society becomes militarised, the more violence and injustice are likely to grow locally and worldwide.

Sixteen states are believed to have supplied weapons to Afghanistan from 2001 to 2020 with the US supplying 74 % of weapons, followed by Russia. Much of this equipment was left behind by the US military and is being used to inflate Taliban’s arsenal. WILPF is calling for better oversight on arms movement, for compensating affected Afghan people and for an end to all militarised systems.

Militarised masculinity

Mobilising men and boys around feminist peace has been one way of deconstructing and redefining masculinities. WILPF shares a feminist analysis on the links between militarism, masculinities, peace and security. We explore opportunities for strengthening activists’ action to build equal partnerships among women and men for gender equality.

WILPF has been working on challenging the prevailing notion of masculinity based on men’s physical and social superiority to, and dominance of, women in Afghanistan. It recognizes that these notions are not representative of all Afghan men, contrary to the publicly prevailing notion.

Feminist peace​

In WILPF’s view, any process towards establishing peace that has not been partly designed by women remains deficient. Beyond bringing perspectives that encapsulate the views of half of the society and unlike the men only designed processes, women’s true and meaningful participation allows the situation to improve.

In Afghanistan, WILPF has been demanding that women occupy the front seats at the negotiating tables. The experience of the past 20 has shown that women’s presence produces more sustainable solutions when they are empowered and enabled to play a role.