COP30 concluded in Belém, Brazil, wherefrom 10 to 22 November, diplomats, activists, lobbyists, and other stakeholders from across the globe gathered for the 30th Conference of the Parties under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC).
The summit delivered one of the strongest rights-based outcomes in COP history with the adoption of the Just Transition mechanism. However, the talks once again failed to respond with the urgency required by a world on the brink of climate tipping points. The so-called “Belém Political Package” makes no direct mention of the need for a just, equitable, and fully financed transition away from fossil fuels.
Meanwhile, global military spending soared to an unprecedented $2.7 trillion in 2024, yet the top spenders refused to commit adequate finance for adaptation, mitigation, or the just transition. Despite President Lula’s warning at the opening ceremony that spending twice as much in weapons as in climate action fuels a climate apocalypse, the COP process continues to ignore the environmental and social costs of militarism.
As in previous years, WILPF was on the ground participating in COP in Belém. The annual climate talks are a critical opportunity to raise awareness of the climate impacts of militarism, to elevate the demands of those impacted by the intersecting dangers of militarism, conflict, and the climate crisis– and to demand action from governments.
Represented by WILPF Colombia (Limpal)’s fierce feminist peace activist Natalia Monroy Chaves, WILPF engaged in numerous events and actions, with a focus on the urgent need to move the money from military spending to meet climate goals, as well as recommendations for a gender-responsive just transition based on Colombian feminist voices from the ground.
Here, we’re providing a recap of some of the outcomes of COP30, how WILPF got involved and our delegate’s reflections on this year’s climate conference.
The creation of the Just Transition Mechanism—the Belém Action Mechanism (BAM)—marks a major win for feminists, trade unions, youth, Indigenous Peoples’ organisations, and environmental justice groups who have long pushed for people-centered, rights-based transitions.
No previous COP decision has included such ambitious language on rights and inclusion: human rights; labour rights; the rights of Indigenous Peoples and Afro-descendants; and strong references to gender equality and care work. The mandate recognises the need for inclusive governance, social dialogue, and the participation of workers, Indigenous Peoples, communities, and all those most affected, including through respect for Free, Prior, and Informed Consent.
While this is a significant victory, the real work begins now as parties prepare to operationalise the mechanism at COP31. Its effectiveness will depend on whether feminist, labour, Indigenous, and frontline movements are meaninfully included in its design and governance.
The adopted Belém Gender Action Plan (GAP) will shape the next nine years of gender-responsive climate action under the UNFCCC. Significant wins were secured thanks to persistent advocacy by the Women and Gender Constituency (WGC). The GAP recognises several structurally excluded groups, mandates the development of guidelines to protect and safeguard women environmental defenders, and creates space to address care work, health, and violence against women through national submissions. Unfortunately, the WGC noted in its analysis of the GAP that the lack of recognition of gender-diverse people and removal of foundational human rights language “reflects the broader global backlash against rights.”
The absence of adequate finance for both the BAM and GAP reflects the the wider financial shortcomings of this year’s COP — bringing us to the core woes of COP30.
Finance outcomes at COP30 were deeply inadequate. ‘Developed’ countries repeatedly refused to provide the finance required across adaptation, mitigation, and the just transition, weakening the overall outcome and undermining trust rooted in their historical obligations. As one of the results, parties have left Belém with no meaningful action but a vague pledge to triple adaptation finance by 2035, and a lack of commitments to grant-based, non-debt-creating finance. For communities bearing the brunt of the crisis, these outcomes bring no hope.
Equally disappointing is the absence of a global response to the so-called ‘ambition gap,’ exemplified by countries’ lack of concrete plans to phase out fossil fuels. The final COP30 decision offers no roadmap for a just, equitable, and fully financed transition away from fossil fuels—a stark failure of the only existing multilateral process tasked with addressing the climate crisis.
COP30 falls short again on addressing militarism
“Spending twice as much on weapons as we do on climate action is paving the way for climate apocalypse. There will be no energy security in a world at war.” — President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Leaders' Summit
Despite these powerful opening words by President Lula, the Baku Hub Annual High-Level Dialogue, gathered to “advance peace-positive climate action,” was the only official COP30 event addressing the link between peace and climate justice. Previous summits took small but meaningful steps: COP28 adopted the Declaration on Climate, Relief, Recovery, and Peace, and COP29 launched the Baku Peace Hub, each dedicating “peace days” to elevate the issue. This year, even those symbolic spaces were practically gone.
Outside the formal negotiation rooms however, momentum kept growing on the recognition of the intersections between militarism and the climate crisis– from multiple official side events, press conferences, radical spaces at the People’s Summit, staged actions and protests, and coverage in outlets from ECO to the Guardian.
At the Opening Summit of COP30, President Lula condemned massive global military spending as a misallocation of resources that should instead be channeled into climate solutions for global south countries. He emphasised:
"If the men who wage war were at COP30, it would be much cheaper to spend $1.3 trillion a year to end the climate problem than $2.7 trillion to wage war as they did last year."
Colombia’s President Gustavo Petro called out NATO members’ commitment to allocate 5% of their GDP to “investing in more weapons,” arguing that “Russia is not the enemy; the climate crisis is the enemy.” Latvia’s President Edgars Rinkēvičs highlighted that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine “takes away human lives and inflicts harm on nature,” while also “limiting climate investment as resources are redirected to defense spending.” Honduras’ President Xiomara Castro called for the cessation of all wars devastating the planet and demanded accountability for the genocide against Palestinians, presenting this as part of her seven-point climate justice proposal launched at COP29.
Despite the undeniable real-world impacts of militarism on the climate—from Ukraine to Gaza—the rising strength of climate and peace movements exposing these intersections, and even world leaders’ acknowledgments of the issue, this reality has yet to meaningfully enter the official negotiation spaces of the climate talks.
In 2024, WILPF produced a detailed technical brief outlining concrete, UNFCCC‑anchored strategies to firmly place this issue on the COP agenda. We will continue collaborating with partners and allies to elevate it and advocate for its formal recognition in climate negotiations, while also pursuing initiatives beyond COP to center demilitarisation within climate justice movements and processes.
The Brazilian presidency promoted COP30 as the “Indigenous COP.” The summit saw the largest-ever participation of Indigenous Peoples, taking place in a city at the mouth of the Amazon River—on lands that Indigenous communities have stewarded for thousands of years. While there was powerful symbolism in highlighting Indigenous rights, knowledge systems, and leadership in climate action, the final outcome document, the Mutirão, fell short of meaningfully protecting Indigenous peoples’ rights and their territories.
As highlighted in the COP30 Manifesto by the newly formed WILPF Brazil Group, Indigenous environmental defenders in the Amazon face some of the world’s highest levels of violence. During COP30, the murder of Guarani Kaiowá leader Vicente Fernandes Vilhalva underscored this reality: armed assailants attacked a community that had recently reoccupied part of their ancestral land in southern Brazil, continuing a decades-long conflict with ranchers over these territories.
This militarised violence and repression extended into the COP halls themselves. In response to Indigenous-led peaceful protests demanding that their struggles over land and water be heard, Brazilian authorities deployed armed security forces to the venue. WILPF, together with over 200 organisations, condemned the UNFCCC Secretariat’s outrageous letter urging Brazil to escalate security. The letter criticised the enhanced security measures, warning that they “contribute to an increasing global trend towards the silencing of dissent, militarized responses to protest, and the marginalization of those defending land and the environment.”
Climate Action Network (CAN) also called out the disproportionate militarised response:
“Throughout this COP in the Amazon, their presence has been a reminder of what true leadership looks like: steadfast, embodied, and carried at great personal risk. While Indigenous leaders called for protection, rights, and a future rooted in balance with nature, they are met with intensified military presence: automatic rifles and bomb disposal personnel in a conference centre built to host unarmed people fighting for life.”
While COP30’s core outcomes largely sidelined Indigenous peoples’ demands, persistent Indigenous-led protests and sustained pressure during the climate talks compelled Brazil to announce the creation of 10 new Indigenous territories. These designations will now be legally protected, safeguarding both culture and environment under Brazilian law. Announced on Indigenous People’s Day at COP, this measure stands as a powerful testament to the impact of people power and grassroots mobilisation.
After three decades without effective action to prevent global warming, the COP process is becoming increasingly fraud. The growing presence of fossil fuel lobbyists, with a record number of 1,600 lobbyists at COP30–one in every 25 COP attendees– exposes the deeply troubling corporate capture of the climate talks.
The adoption of roadmaps, mechanisms, and outcome documents do not mean anything if they are not followed up by implementation– and there is no implementation without adequate finance.
This is why WILPF, along with its allies, will continue to name the elephant in the room: skyrocketing global military expenditure comes at the expense of climate and gender justice and peace.
We will continue to engage with COP as one piece of a large puzzle for urgent change. It is clear that if there is a turning point, it will not come from a COP alone– it will come from the pressure and uprising of people everywhere.
As climate talks flounder, progressive countries and the global climate justice movement are looking beyond the UNFCCC.
Photo credit: The Fossil Fuel Treaty Initiative
At the margins of COP30, Colombia—backed by a global intersectional movement united under the Fossil Fuel Treaty Initiative, of which WILPF is a partner—brought a glimmer of hope into the windowless rooms of the COP venue with a major breakthrough announcement.
Colombia and the Netherlands will co-host the First International Conference on the Just Transition Away from Fossil Fuels. This major international summit, specifically discussing the phase-out of fossil fuels, will be held at the coal port of Santa Marta, Colombia, from 28-29 April 2026.
By bringing together governments, experts, Indigenous Peoples, Afro-descendant communities, civil society, climate advocates, industry leaders, and academia, it will create a strategic space to shape equitable pathways toward sustainable, diversified, and accessible energy. In doing so, it will advance international cooperation on transitioning away from fossil fuel extraction.
This major announcement was accompanied by the launch of the “Belém Declaration on the Just Transition Away from Fossil Fuels”, supported by 24 countries setting out the minimum level of ambition that should guide any just and equitable transition plan at the international level. Positively as well, during COP30, Cambodia announced that it would be the 18th country to participate in the development of a Fossil Fuel Treaty.
Hosting this summit in a major coal port, in the world’s fifth-largest coal-producing nation, sends a powerful message: fossil-fuel-dependent nations want to end their dependence on oil, gas, and coal extraction but doing so fairly requires unprecedented international cooperation so that no one is left behind.
The conference builds toward Pacific countries committing to convene a subsequent summit to carry forward an effort to develop a 1.5°C-aligned roadmap for the transition away from fossil fuels.
Inside the COP venue, political will remains absent—but outside, momentum for a fossil-free future has never been stronger– and WILPF is excited to support the next stage in the process for a Fossil Fuel Treaty with our feminist peace perspectives.
At COP30, WILPF co-hosted an official side event and participated in a press conference, actions, events, and protests. Here’s a recap of our activities at the conference.
Side Event: Disarming the Climate Crisis: The True Cost of Militarism– 13 November
This official side event, co-hosted by IPPNW, Peace Boat, Peace Track Initiative, and WILPF brought together diverse speakers that addressed the deep connections between militarism and the climate crisis — from hidden military emissions and the vast gap between military spending and climate finance to the catastrophic risks nuclear weapons pose to the planet. Natalia shared insights from her context in Colombia on how militarism intensifies the climate crisis and hits frontline communities, especially women, the hardest. The event concluded in spotlighting avenues for peace and climate justice – including the Fossil Fuel Treaty to the Global Energy Embargo for Palestine.
Press conference: Disarming the Climate Crisis: Putting Militarism on the Agenda at COP30 – 12 November
At the press conference, Natalia highlighted the compounding impacts of militarism, extractivism, and the climate crisis in her home country, Colombia, denounced the criminalisation of women emvironmental defenders and shared feminist perspectives for a just transition based on care, demilitarisation, and regenerative economies.
Protests and actions
On 15 November, the Global Day of Action, Natalia joined the thousands of protesters on the streets of Belém to demand more urgent climate action. Natalia marched with our allies from the Women and Gender Constituency in the first protest to take place outside a COP venue since COP26 – with one clear message: Stop the Wars, Stop the Warming!
Natalia also participated in the action “End Systems of War and Ecocide,” organised by members of the WGC Peace and Demilitarisation Working Group. The staged protest centered voices from youth climate leaders, Amazonian women resisting militarised extractivism, labour-rights representatives who linked war economies and exploitation, Asia–Pacific climate activists confronting displacement, and Global North activists who exposed the global impacts of military emissions and military spending. It was a powerful show of diverse but unified resistance to extraction and militarisation.
Strategising and advocacy with the Peace and Demilitarisation Working Group of the Women and Gender Constituency
Together with members of the WGC Peace and Demilitarisation Working Group, founded by WILPF in 2023, we drafted the article “Militarism is fueling the climate crisis– COP must confront it” for ECO of the Climate Action Network’s (CAN). The widely read daily newsletter is distributed on the ground to delegates each morning, and is an important advocacy tool for civil society.
Additional activities: In addition to the events, actions and protests, WILPF’s delegation also participated in:
Reflections from WILPF’s Delegates
Following her participation in COP30, WILPF delegate Natalia reflects on the challenges facing climate justice and the opportunities the summit offered to advance progress in the years ahead.
The intersection between the climate crisis, extractivism and the militarisation of territories represents one of the most significant challenges to the survival of communities, ecosystems and livelihoods around the world. The current socio-political context calls on us to urgently address these issues and to highlight the impacts that these systems of domination have on women's bodies and territories.
Increasingly, geopolitical developments are shaped by corporate interests, while environmental initiatives and global agreements—such as those established under the COP framework—face threats from the resurgence of denialist narratives and policies that seek to shield the very countries and industries most responsible for the climate crisis.
Participating in high-level decision-making spaces such as COP30, enabled us to further amplify these messages in coordination with other organisations pursuing complementary political agendas.
“Participating in COP30 also enabled us to strengthen solidarity and forge alliances with fellow activists worldwide who are resisting genocide and ecocide in Palestine, opposing wars and the militarisation of life around the world, and advocating for climate justice that is truly inclusive. Together with our allies, we emphasised that climate justice cannot be achieved without the active and informed participation of women, without addressing the militarisation of territories and the military industry, and without protecting and recognising the vital role of women environmental defenders.”
Coming out of COP30, WILPF is taking forward our learnings and reflections to deepen our advocacy on militarism and climate justice.
Following internal reporting and discussions with WILPF’s Environment Working Group, we will continue to strategise the most effective approaches to demanding change at the local, national and international levels and engage feminist peace activists around the world with our messages, actions and campaigns.
It will take all of us working together to address the climate crisis and create a future where people and the planet thrive. You can be part of the movement by staying engaged, learning more and following along!
Follow WILPF on Instagram, X (Twitter), LinkedIn and Facebook, learn more about our work on ecological justice and join the Environment Working Group.
You can also read more about militarism and the climate crisis using the following resources:
With special thanks for the contributions from our WILPF delegate Natalia Chaves Monroy to this blog post.
WILPF International Secretariat, with offices in Geneva and New York, liaises with the International Board and the National Sections and Groups for the implementation of WILPF International Programme, resolutions and policies as adopted by the International Congress. Under the direction of the Secretary-General, the Secretariat also provides support in areas of advocacy, communications, and financial operations.
Matt Mahmoudi (he/him) is a lecturer, researcher, and organizer. He’s been leading the “Ban the Scan” campaign, Amnesty International’s research and advocacy efforts on banning facial recognition technologies and exposing their uses against racialized communities, from New York City to the occupied Palestinian territories.
Berit Aasen is a sociologist by training and has worked at the OsloMet Metropolitan University on Oslo. She has 40 years of experience in research and consultancy in development studies, including women, peace, and security, and in later years in asylum and refugee studies. Berit Aasen joined WILPF Norway five years ago. She is an alternate member of the National Board of WILPF Norway, and representing WILPF Norway in the UN Association of Norway, the Norwegian 1325 network and the Norwegian Women’s Lobby. Berit Aasen has been active in the WILPF European Liaison group and is committed to strengthening WILPF sections and membership both in Europe and relations across continents.
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Prior to being elected Vice-President, Melissa Torres was the WILPF US International Board Member from 2015 to 2018. Melissa joined WILPF in 2011 when she was selected as a Delegate to the Commission on the Status of Women as part of the WILPF US’ Practicum in Advocacy Programme at the United Nations, which she later led. She holds a PhD in Social Work and is a professor and Global Health Scholar at Baylor College of Medicine and research lead at BCM Anti-Human Trafficking Program. Of Mexican descent and a native of the US/Mexico border, Melissa is mostly concerned with the protection of displaced Latinxs in the Americas. Her work includes training, research, and service provision with the American Red Cross, the National Human Trafficking Training and Technical Assistance Centre, and refugee resettlement programs in the U.S. Some of her goals as Vice-President are to highlight intersectionality and increase diversity by fostering inclusive spaces for mentorship and leadership. She also contributes to WILPF’s emerging work on the topic of displacement and migration.
Jamila Afghani is the President of WILPF Afghanistan which she started in 2015. She is also an active member and founder of several organisations including the Noor Educational and Capacity Development Organisation (NECDO). Elected in 2018 as South Asia Regional Representative to WILPF’s International Board, WILPF benefits from Jamila’s work experience in education, migration, gender, including gender-based violence and democratic governance in post-conflict and transitional countries.
Sylvie Jacqueline NDONGMO is a human rights and peace leader with over 27 years experience including ten within WILPF. She has a multi-disciplinary background with a track record of multiple socio-economic development projects implemented to improve policies, practices and peace-oriented actions. Sylvie is the founder of WILPF Cameroon and was the Section’s president until 2022. She co-coordinated the African Working Group before her election as Africa Representative to WILPF’s International Board in 2018. A teacher by profession and an African Union Trainer in peace support operations, Sylvie has extensive experience advocating for the political and social rights of women in Africa and worldwide.
In response to the takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban and its targeted attacks on civil society members, WILPF Afghanistan issued several statements calling on the international community to stand in solidarity with Afghan people and ensure that their rights be upheld, including access to aid. The Section also published 100 Untold Stories of War and Peace, a compilation of true stories that highlight the effects of war and militarisation on the region.
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WILPF uses feminist analysis to argue that militarisation is a counter-productive and ill-conceived response to establishing security in the world. The more society becomes militarised, the more violence and injustice are likely to grow locally and worldwide.
Sixteen states are believed to have supplied weapons to Afghanistan from 2001 to 2020 with the US supplying 74 % of weapons, followed by Russia. Much of this equipment was left behind by the US military and is being used to inflate Taliban’s arsenal. WILPF is calling for better oversight on arms movement, for compensating affected Afghan people and for an end to all militarised systems.
Mobilising men and boys around feminist peace has been one way of deconstructing and redefining masculinities. WILPF shares a feminist analysis on the links between militarism, masculinities, peace and security. We explore opportunities for strengthening activists’ action to build equal partnerships among women and men for gender equality.
WILPF has been working on challenging the prevailing notion of masculinity based on men’s physical and social superiority to, and dominance of, women in Afghanistan. It recognizes that these notions are not representative of all Afghan men, contrary to the publicly prevailing notion.
In WILPF’s view, any process towards establishing peace that has not been partly designed by women remains deficient. Beyond bringing perspectives that encapsulate the views of half of the society and unlike the men only designed processes, women’s true and meaningful participation allows the situation to improve.
In Afghanistan, WILPF has been demanding that women occupy the front seats at the negotiating tables. The experience of the past 20 has shown that women’s presence produces more sustainable solutions when they are empowered and enabled to play a role.
